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There have been many great, profound specches, by men and women from
different cultures and beliefs, during the course of our world's history. This page, as the title implies, will
include a few of my favorites.
PAGE CONTENTS:
The Last Man to Die for a Mistake, John Kerry's 1971 Address to Congress, Regarding
Vietnam
Barrack Obama's 2002 Speech Against The Iraq War
Roosevelt's "Day of Infamy" Speech
"Ain't I A Woman?" by Sojourner Truth
Chief Joseph's Address to Congress
The Last Man to Die for a Mistake
This article presents the famed stirring testimony that John Kerry, then a decorated,
27 year old Navy veteran of Vietnam, made before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on April 23, 1971 about the Vietnam
War.
"I would like to talk on behalf of all those veterans and say that several months
ago in Detroit we had an investigation at which over 150 honorably discharged, and many very highly decorated, veterans testified
to war crimes committed in Southeast Asia.
These were not isolated incidents but crimes committed on a day-to-day basis
with the full awareness of officers at all levels of command.
It is impossible to describe to you exactly what did happen in Detroit - the
emotions in the room and the feelings of the men who were reliving their experiences in Vietnam. They relived the absolute
horror of what this country, in a sense, made them do.
They told stories that at times they had personally raped, cut off ears, cut
off heads, taped wires from portable telephones to human genitals and turned up the power, cut off limbs, blown up bodies,
randomly shot at civilians, razed villages in fashion reminiscent of Ghengis Khan, shot cattle and dogs for fun, poisoned
food stocks, and generally ravaged the countryside of South Vietnam in addition to the normal ravage of war and the normal
and very particular ravaging which is done by the applied bombing power of this country.
We call this investigation the Winter Soldier Investigation. The term Winter
Soldier is a play on words of Thomas Paine's in 1776 when he spoke of the Sunshine Patriots and summertime soldiers who deserted
at Valley Forge because the going was rough. We who have come here to Washington have come here because we feel we have
to be winter soldiers now.
We could come back to this country, we could be quiet, we could hold our silence,
we could not tell what went on in Vietnam, but we feel because of what threatens this country, not the reds, but the crimes
which we are committing that threaten it, that we have to speak out...
In our opinion and from our experience, there is nothing in South Vietnam which
could happen that realistically threatens the United States of America. And to attempt to justify the loss of one American
life in Vietnam, Cambodia or Laos by linking such loss to the preservation of freedom, which those misfits supposedly abuse,
is to us the height of criminal hypocrisy, and it is that kind of hypocrisy which we feel has torn this country apart.
We found that not only was it a civil war, an effort by a people who had for
years been seeking their liberation from any colonial influence whatsoever, but also we found that the Vietnamese whom we
had enthusiastically molded after our own image were hard put to take up the fight against the threat we were supposedly saving
them from.
We found most people didn't even know the difference between communism and democracy.
They only wanted to work in rice paddies without helicopters strafing them and bombs with napalm burning their villages and
tearing their country apart.
They wanted everything to do with the war, particularly with this foreign presence
of the United States of America, to leave them alone in peace, and they practiced the art of survival by siding with whichever
military force was present at a particular time, be it Viet Cong, North Vietnamese or American.
We found also that all too often American men were dying in those rice paddies
for want of support from their allies. We saw first hand how monies from American taxes were used for a corrupt dictatorial
regime.
We saw that many people in this country had a one-sided idea of who was kept
free by the flag, and blacks provided the highest percentage of casualties.
We saw Vietnam ravaged equally by American bombs and search and destroy missions,
as well as by Viet Cong terrorism - and yet we listened while this country tried to blame all of the havoc on the Viet Cong.
We rationalized destroying villages in order to save them. We saw America
lose her sense of morality as she accepted very coolly a My Lai and refused to give up the image of American soldiers who
hand out chocolate bars and chewing gum. We learned the meaning of free fire zones, shooting anything that moves, and
we watched while America placed a cheapness on the lives of orientals. We watched the United States falsification of
body counts, in fact the glorification of body counts. We listened while month after month we were told the back of
the enemy was about to break.
We fought using weapons against 'oriental human beings.' We fought
using weapons against those people which I do not believe this country would dream of using were we fighting in the European
theater.
We watched while men charged up hills because a general said that hill has to
be taken, and after losing one platoon or two platoons they marched away to leave the hill for reoccupation by the North Vietnamese.
We watched pride allow the most unimportant battles to be blown into extravaganzas, because we couldn't lose, and we couldn't
retreat, and because it didn't matter how many American bodies were lost to prove that point, and so there were Hamburger
Hills and Khe Sanhs and Hill 81s and Fire Base 6s, and so many others.
Now we are told that the men who fought there must watch quietly while American
lives are lost so that we can exercise the incredible arrogance of Vietnamizing the Vietnamese.
Each day to facilitate the process by which the United States washes her hands
of Vietnam someone has to give up his life so that the United States doesn't have to admit something that the entire world
already knows, so that we can't say that we have made a mistake.
Someone has to die so that President Nixon won't be, and these are his words,
'the first President to lose a war.'
We are asking Americans to think about that because how do you ask a man to
be the last man to die in Vietnam? How do you ask a man to be the last man to die for a mistake?...
We are here in Washington to say that the problem of this war is not just a
question of war and diplomacy. It is part and parcel of everything that we are trying as human beings to communicate
to people in this country -
- the question of racism which is rampant in the military, and so many other questions
such as the use of weapons;
- the hypocrisy in our taking umbrage at the Geneva Conventions and using that
as justification for a continuation of this war when we are more guilty than any other body of violations of those Geneva
Conventions;
- in the use of free fire zones, harassment interdiction fire, search and destroy
missions, the bombings, the torture of prisoners, all accepted policy by many units in South Vietnam.
That is what we are trying to say. It is part and parcel of everything.
An American Indian friend of mine who lives in the Indian Nation of Alcatraz
put it to me very succinctly.
He told me how as a boy on an Indian reservation he had watched television and
he used to cheer the cowboys when they came in and shot the Indians, and then suddenly one day he stopped in Vietnam and he
said, "My God, I am doing to these people the very same thing that was done to my people," and he stopped.
And that is what we are trying to say, that we think this thing has to end.
We are here to ask, and we are here to ask vehemently, where are the leaders of our country? Where is the leadership?
We're here to ask where are McNamara, Rostow, Bundy, Gilpatrick, and so many
others? Where are they now that we, the men they sent off to war, have returned? These are the commanders who have deserted
their troops. And there is no more serious crime in the laws of war.
The Army says they never leave their wounded. The marines say they never even
leave their dead. These men have left all the casualties and retreated behind a pious shield of public rectitude. They've
left the real stuff of their reputations bleaching behind them in the sun in this country...
We wish that a merciful God could wipe away our own memories of that service
as easily as this administration has wiped away their memories of us. But all that they have done and all that they can do
by this denial is to make more clear than ever our own determination to undertake one last mission -
- to search out and destroy the last vestige of this barbaric war,
- to pacify our own hearts,
- to conquer the hate and fear that have driven this country these last ten years
and more.
- And so when thirty years from now our brothers go down the street without a leg,
without an arm, or a face, and small boys ask why, we will be able to say "Vietnam" and not mean a desert, not a filthy obscene
memory, but mean instead where America finally turned and where soldiers like us helped it in the turning."
Speech by John F. Kerry. to Congress, on April 23, 1971, about the Vietnam war.
©2007 About, Inc., A part of The New York Times Company. All rights reserved.
Barack Obama's 2002 Speech Against the Iraq War
"I stand before you as someone who is not opposed to war in
all circumstances. The Civil War was one of the bloodiest in history, and yet it was only through the crucible of the sword,
the sacrifice of multitudes, that we could begin to perfect this union and drive the scourge of slavery from our soil.
I don't oppose all wars. My grandfather signed up for a war the day after
Pearl Harbor was bombed, fought in Patton's army. He fought in the name of a larger freedom, part of that arsenal of democracy
that triumphed over evil.
I don't oppose all wars.
After September 11, after witnessing the carnage and destruction, the dust
and the tears, I supported this administration's pledge to hunt down and root out those who would slaughter innocents in the
name of intolerance, and I would willingly take up arms myself to prevent such tragedy from happening again.
I don't oppose all wars. What I am opposed to is a dumb war. What I am
opposed to is a rash war. What I am opposed to is the cynical attempt by Richard Perle and Paul Wolfowitz and other armchair,
weekend warriors in this administration to shove their own ideological agendas down our throats, irrespective of the costs
in lives lost and in hardships borne.
What I am opposed to is the attempt by political hacks like Karl Rove to
distract us from a rise in the uninsured, a rise in the poverty rate, a drop in the median income, to distract us from corporate
scandals and a stock market that has just gone through the worst month since the Great Depression.
That's what I'm opposed to. A dumb war. A rash war. A war based not on
reason but on passion, not on principle but on politics.
Now let me be clear: I suffer no illusions about Saddam Hussein. He is
a brutal man. A ruthless man. A man who butchers his own people to secure his own power.... The world, and the Iraqi people,
would be better off without him.
But I also know that Saddam poses no imminent and direct threat to the
United States, or to his neighbors...and that in concert with the international community he can be contained until, in the
way of all petty dictators, he falls away into the dustbin of history.
I know that even a successful war against Iraq will require a U.S. occupation
of undetermined length, at undetermined cost, with undetermined consequences.
I know that an invasion of Iraq without a clear rationale and without strong
international support will only fan the flames of the Middle East, and encourage the worst, rather than best, impulses of
the Arab world, and strengthen the recruitment arm of al-Qaeda.
I am not opposed to all wars. I'm opposed to dumb wars. So for those of
us who seek a more just and secure world for our children, let us send a clear message to the president.
You want a fight, President Bush? Let's finish the fight with Bin Laden
and al-Qaeda, through effective, coordinated intelligence, and a shutting down of the financial networks that support terrorism,
and a homeland security program that involves more than color-coded warnings.
You want a fight, President Bush? Let's fight to make sure that...we vigorously
enforce a nonproliferation treaty, and that former enemies and current allies like Russia safeguard and ultimately eliminate
their stores of nuclear material, and that nations like Pakistan and India never use the terrible weapons already in their
possession, and that the arms merchants in our own country stop feeding the countless wars that rage across the globe.
You want a fight, President Bush? Let's fight to make sure our so-called
allies in the Middle East, the Saudis and the Egyptians, stop oppressing their own people, and suppressing dissent, and tolerating
corruption and inequality, and mismanaging their economies so that their youth grow up without education, without prospects,
without hope, the ready recruits of terrorist cells.
You want a fight, President Bush? Let's fight to wean ourselves off Middle
East oil through an energy policy that doesn't simply serve the interests of Exxon and Mobil.
Those are the battles that we need to fight. Those are the battles that
we willingly join. The battles against ignorance and intolerance. Corruption and greed. Poverty and despair."
Roosevelt's "Day of Infamy" Address to Congress
On December 8, at 12:30 p.m., Roosevelt addressed a joint
session of Congress and the Nation via radio. The Senate responded with a unanimous vote in support of war; only Montana pacifist
Jeanette Rankin dissented in the House. At 4:00 p.m. that same afternoon, President Roosevelt signed the declaration of war.
Roosevelt had misplaced his reading copy immediately following
the speech; it remained missing for 43 years. A Senate clerk took charge of it, endorsed it "Dec 8, 1941, Read in joint session,"
and filed it. In March 1984 an archivist located the reading copy among the Records of the U.S. Senate, Record Group 46, located
in the National Archives building, where it remains today.
Franklin D. Roosevelt's War Address: He made the most significant
change in the critical first line, which originally read, "a date which will live in world history."
President Roosevelt delivered his
"Day of Infamy" speech to a joint session of Congress on December 8, 1941.
Yesterday, December
7, 1941 -- a date which will live in infamy -- the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval
and air forces of the Empire of Japan.
The United States was at peace with that Nation and, at the solicitation of
Japan, was still in conversation with its Government and its Emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.
Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in Oahu, the Japanese Ambassador to the United States
and his colleague delivered to the Secretary of State of form reply to a recent American message. While this reply stated
that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or armed attack....
....Always will we remember the character of the onslaught against us.
No matter how long it may take us to
overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.
I
believe I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the
uttermost but will make very certain that this form of treachery shall never endanger us again.
....I ask that the
Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, December seventh, a state of war has existed
between the United States and the Japanese Empire.
Franklin D. Roosevelt
Copyright 2006 by NextEra Media. All rights reserved.
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| SOJOURNER TRUTH |

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"Ain't I a woman?" is Sojourner Truth's most recognized speech. She delivered
it at a women's rights convention in Akron, Ohio, in 1851. There has been some dispute about what she said at the convention.
According to Frances D. Gage, who published the speech in 1863, Truth encountered hissing and hostility as she began to speak.
But according to Carleton Mabee, Gage's account is not consistent with other reports written immediately after the speech.
Mabee contends that Truth did not encounter hostility. In fact, according to numerous newspaper accounts, the audience received
her well. Mabee also asserts that while Gage accurately reported some of what Truth said, she embellished other parts. Namely,
Truth's repetition of the famous phrase "Ain't I a woman." Instead, Mabee asserts that Gage most likely added this phrase,
since it was not documented in any news story covering the convention, or in any other speeches that Truth made later.
Ain't I A Woman? Delivered by Sojourner Truth
Women's Convention in Akron, Ohio, 1851 Well,
children, where there is so much racket there must be something out of kilter. I think that 'twixt the negroes of the South
and the women at the North, all talking about rights, the white men will be in a fix pretty soon. But what's all this here
talking about?
That man over there says that women need to be helped into carriages, and
lifted over ditches, and to have the best place everywhere. Nobody ever helps me into carriages, or over mud-puddles, or gives
me any best place! And ain't I a woman? Look at me! Look at my arm! I have ploughed and planted, and gathered into barns,
and no man could head me! And ain't I a woman? I could work as much and eat as much as a man - when I could get it - and bear
the lash as well! And ain't I a woman? I have borne thirteen children, and seen most all sold off to slavery, and when I cried
out with my mother's grief, none but Jesus heard me! And ain't I a woman?
Then they talk about this thing in the head; what's this they call it?
[member of audience whispers, "intellect"] That's it, honey. What's that got to do with women's rights or negroes' rights?
If my cup won't hold but a pint, and yours holds a quart, wouldn't you be mean not to let me have my little half measure full?
Then that little man in black there, he says women can't have as much rights
as men, 'cause Christ wasn't a woman! Where did your Christ come from? Where did your Christ come from? From God and a woman!
Man had nothing to do with Him.
If the first woman God ever made was strong enough to turn the world upside
down all alone, these women together ought to be able to turn it back , and get it right side up again! And now they is asking
to do it, the men better let them.
Obliged to you for hearing me, and now old Sojourner ain't got nothing
more to say.
Copyright © 2004About, Inc. About and About.com are registered trademarks
of About, Inc. The About logo is a trademark of About, Inc. All rights reserved. |
Chief Joseph's Address to Congress
The Words of Chief Joseph
[On a visit to Washington, D.C., 1879]
At last I was granted permission to come to Washington
and bring my friend Yellow Bull and our interpreter with me. I am glad I came. I have shaken hands with a good many friends,
but there are some things I want to know which no one seems able to explain. I cannot understand how the Government sends
a man out to fight us, as it did General Miles, and then breaks his word. Such a government has something wrong about it.
I cannot understand why so many chiefs are allowed to talk so many different ways, and promise so many different things.
I have seen the Great Father Chief [President Hayes]; the
Next Great Chief [Secretary of the Interior]; the Commissioner Chief; the Law Chief; and many other law chiefs [Congressmen]
and they all say they are my friends, and that I shall have justice, but while all their mouths talk right I do not understand
why nothing is done for my people.
I have heard talk and talk but nothing is done. Good words
do not last long unless they amount to something. Words do not pay for my dead people. They do not pay for my country now
overrun by white men. They do not protect my father's grave. They do not pay for my horses and cattle.
Good words do not give me back my children. Good words
will not make good the promise of your war chief, General Miles. Good words will not give my people a home where they can
live in peace and take care of themselves.
I am tired of talk that comes to nothing. It makes my heart
sick when I remember all the good words and all the broken promises. There has been too much talking by men who had no right
to talk. Too many misinterpretations have been made; too many misunderstandings have come up between the white men and the
Indians.
If the white man wants to live in peace with the Indian he
can live in peace. There need be no trouble. Treat all men alike. Give them the same laws. Give them all an even chance to
live and grow. All men were made by the same Great Spirit Chief. They are all brothers.
The earth is the mother of all people, and all people
should have equal rights upon it. You might as well expect all rivers to run backward as that any man who was born a free
man should be contented penned up and denied liberty to go where he pleases. If you tie a horse to a stake, do you expect
he will grow fat? If you pen an Indian up on a small spot of earth and compel him to stay there, he will not be contented
nor will he grow and prosper. I have asked some of the Great White Chiefs where they get their authority to say to the Indian
that he shall stay in one place, while he sees white men going where they please. They cannot tell me.
I only ask of the Government to be treated as all other men are treated.
If I cannot go to my own home, let me have a home in a country where my people will not die so fast. I would like to go to
Bitter Root Valley. There my people would be happy; where they are now they are dying. Three have died since I left my camp
to come to Washington.
When I think of our condition, my heart is heavy. I see men of my own race treated as outlaws
and driven from country to country, or shot down like animals.
I know that my race must change. We cannot hold our
own with the white men as we are. We only ask an even chance to live as other men live. We ask to be recognized as men. We
ask that the same law shall work alike on all men. If an Indian breaks the law, punish him by the law. If a white man breaks
the law, punish him also.
Let me be a free man, free to travel, free to stop, free to work, free
to trade where I choose, free to choose my own teachers, free to follow the religion of my fathers, free to talk, think and
act for myself -- and I will obey every law or submit to the penalty.
Whenever the white man treats the Indian as
they treat each other then we shall have no more wars. We shall be all alike -- brothers of one father and mother, with one
sky above us and one country around us and one government for all. Then the Great Spirit Chief who rules above will smile
upon this land and send rain to wash out the bloody spots made by brothers' hands upon the face of the earth. For this time
the Indian race is waiting and praying. I hope no more groans of wounded men and women will ever go to the ear of the Great
Spirit Chief above, and that all people may be one people.
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