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Flight to Dallas
The JFK Assassination
The Trumped-Up Cuba Connection
The JFK Assassination and the Trumped-Up Cuba
Connection By Istvan Ojeda
A documentary that sets out to show that Cuba's State Security
was involved in the assassination of John F. Kennedy has revived, in poor taste, theories of who was responsible for the assassination
of the US president.
Once again, the fable of a Cuba-led conspiracy to eliminate the US president is being promulgated.
For Cubans, the mere idea is at best laughable; nonetheless, the documentary is targeted at a US audience, a public well accustomed
to propagandist smear campaigns against Cuba.
A Conspiracy Several investigations carried
out by the US government and media have demonstrated that the November 22, 1963, assassination of President John F. Kennedy
was the result of a conspiracy between the CIA, the mafia and counter revolutionary Cuban exiles.
A Special Senate
Committee investigation presided over by African-American congressman Louis F. Stokes, revelations made by journalists Drew
Pearson and Jack Anderson, along with investigations conducted by renowned Cuban intelligence officials such as General Fabian
Escalante have all concluded that Kennedy's death benefited both the US intelligence services and right-wing Cuban extremists,
but in no way benefited the Cuban government.
To begin with, the CIA had found its prestige before President Kennedy
had greatly deteriorated after the failed 1961 Bay of Pigs invasion and the 1962 Missile Crisis. Before taking office, JFK
had idealized his country's intelligence service to the extent of regarding it as infallible. This ideal was to be quickly
shattered. During the first meeting of the National Security Council after the Bay of Pigs disaster Kennedy erupted, angrily
exclaiming; "...Those sons of bitches (as he pointed at CIA officers) just sat there nodding, saying it would work."
Shortly after this incident, he told his advisor Clark Clifford, "Something very bad is happening inside the CIA, and I want
to know what it is. I want to break the CIA into pieces and throw it into the wind."
This and other evidence suggests
a clear motive for the involvement of several CIA officers who were in charge of Operation Pluto (the Bay of Pigs invasion)
including David Atlee-Philips; Richard Helms, supervisor of anti-Cuban operations at the time; General Cabell, former CIA
deputy director; and Frank Sturgis, who would later be head of the Watergate "plumbers".
But it was the Cuban exiles
who were most upset with Kennedy. They felt that he had betrayed them both in the Bay of Pigs invasion and during the Missile
Crisis. In addition, both the Cuban exiles and the CIA directors were well aware of President Kennedy's efforts to reach a
compromise between both countries.
To this end, meetings were held between US envoys and Ernesto "Che" Guevara in
1963, in Uruguay. Shortly before his death, Kennedy had entrusted William Atwood with the task of discussing with Cuban representatives
at the United Nations the prospect of normalizing relations with the island. Carlos Lechuga, Cuban ambassador to the UN at
the time, headed the Cuban delegation. McGeorge Bundy, Kennedy's security advisor, said that the president had asked for a
report of those talks as soon as he returned from Dallas.
In fact, it was precisely on the day of the Kennedy assassination
that Cuban President Fidel Castro held a conversation with a French journalist who was also to have a meeting with Kennedy
to discuss normalizing relations.
The most remote possibility that the United States could establish normal relations
with the Fidel Castro government, terrified the ultra rightwing Cuban-American community.
During their investigation,
the Senate Special Committee established a clear link between Lee Harvey Oswald and extreme anti-Cuban organizations such
as Alpha 66 and the so-called Cuban Revolutionary Board (JURE). Members of these two organizations including Orlando Bosch,
Luis Posada Carriles, brothers Guillermo and Ignacio Novo Sampol, Eladio del Valle and Jorge Mas Canosa were all seen in Dallas
prior to, and after, November 22, 1963.
Other threads from the counterrevolutionary movement lead straight to the
mafia's involvement, interested in eliminating the first US Catholic president.
Santos Trafficante, Sam Giancana and
John Roselli all had close links to the anti-Cuban exiles -links that had been established back in the days when the mafia
families dominated the business world in Havana. Their hatred against the Cuban Revolution was so intense that when
the CIA offered Santos Trafficante $250,000 to kill Fidel Castro, the mafia boss replied, "We will kill Castro for free."
Shortly before being murdered, John Roselli told journalist Jack Anderson that Cuban-Americans from Trafficante's
gang had participated in the Kennedy assassination.
Sheer Stupidity Analyzing Kennedy's assassination
from the perspective of realpolitik is enough to demonstrate that Cuba had the most to lose from the assassination of the
US president.
For example, Havana was well willing to negotiate with Kennedy; otherwise, they would not have shown
interest and respect for the White House's attempts at normalizing relations. Besides, taking in part in such an extreme action
would have only greatly aggravated the already tense state of affairs between the two countries. At the time, Cuba would have
been the first suspects, and indeed this proved to be the case as subsequent evidence showed that the Cuban State Security
were among the first suspects.
Finally, the moral principles upon which more than 45 years of the Cuban Revolution
are established prevent Cuban intelligence services from using political assassination against its adversaries. Otherwise,
well-known terrorists such as Luis Posada Carriles or Orlando Bosch would have not reached the old age that they are today.
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Flight to Dallas - November 20-22, 1963
William Robert "Tosh" Plumlee, (aka William H. "Buck" Pearson)
Tosh Plumlee worked for military intelligence a good
part of his life. His story about the assassination of JFK is very interesting. - Denis Mueller Beginning November 20, 1963, I was assigned to be a co-pilot on a top secret flight,
which was attached to a Military Intelligence unit and supported by the CIA. Our mission, we were told, was to 'Abort' a pending
attempt on the President's life which was to take place in Dallas. We were contracted as "cut-outs" a system used to shield
a secret operation from public exposure. Our team was based out of South Florida. My pilot for this operation was Emanuel
Rojas. We had flown together before. I was the co-pilot for this operation. The first leg of the flight would be from Lantana,
Florida ( about five miles south of West Palm Beach) to Tampa Florida. The aircraft used for the first phase of this trip
was a D-18 Twin Beach aircraft. We took-off before day break on November 21, 1963 expecting to arrive in Tampa about sunup.
We were to pick up other personal at Tampa. One of these people was John Roselli, whom I knew.
I had known John Roselli
before this flight. I had flown Roselli and others to places like Cuba, Bimini, Galveston Texas, Las Vegas and California.
He was also known to me as "Colonel Rawlston" or just "the Colonel". We (Rojas and I) were to pick up 'the Colonel' at Tampa's
Congress Inn that morning. We changed aircraft at Tampa to a waiting DC-3 that was registered to 'Atlantic Richfield', and
continued our trip to New Orleans, where a couple of people, who I did not know, got off and a few others got on. The Colonel
stayed on board the DC-3. We continued our trip leaving New Orleans and continuing to Houston International Airport where
we spent the night at the Shamrock Hilton, not far from the airport. We parked the aircraft on the Trans Texas side of the
airport not far from the Texas Air National Guard and their AT6 type aircraft.
The next morning, November 22,1963,
about 4:30-5 a.m., our weather briefing was not favorable for a VFR flight into Dallas's Red Bird airport. We selected Garland
as an alternate in case the weather had not improved by the time we arrived near Dallas air space. We did not file a flight
plan nor intended to file IFR. This would have left a record of our flight with air traffic control. We continued to Garland,in
northeast Dallas instead of Redbird Airport in Oak Cliff, a suburb of Dallas. We made this decision because of possible bad
weather southwest of Dallas that had not cleared as yet.
We arrived in Garland near daybreak. There had been so many
threats against the President's life that we didn't have a great sense of urgency about this particular one. While waiting
out the bad weather in Garland, and about thirty minutes after landing three of the passengers were picked up by car, including
Roselli. (There are three documented corroborations of my presence at Garland airport that morning). After the weather had
cleared sufficiently for the plane to continue via VFR flight rules to Redbird Airport in Dallas, we left Garland for the
ten minute flight to Red Bird. We landed at Redbird around 9:30 or 10:30 a.m., perhaps as late as 11 a.m. where everybody
got off and went their own way. It was my impression at that
time that I was flying an abort team into Dallas, comprised of John Roselli, a couple of Cubans and some people that I surmised
were connected with organized crime in New Orleans. The CIA's specific information about the assassination, which their field
personnel had obtained from Texas informants and international sources, was past to Military Intel units attached to the Pentagon.
Some of this information, I had been told, came from the interrogations of Two Cubans who had plotted to fire on Air Force
One with a bazooka on November 17 in West Palm Beach, Florida.
The pre-mission briefing was held at Loxahatchee, Florida
on the evening of November 20th, but since I was not "field operational" at that time, except as a 'contract pilot', I was
not directly addressed at the briefing, other than routing and weather reports pertaining to flying the team into position.
There would be no formal flight plans filed and the routing would be conducted under VFR (Visual Flight Rules) I only began
to learn the full scope of the operation from my pilot Rojas and a field operative friend of mine named Sergio. Most of the
details of this operation were told to me only after we had become airborne. I would learn more operational details upon reaching
Redbird Airport.
I learned that it had been discussed by the abort team where to go, how to abort, and what to look
for. I had not at first paid much attention to any of these details as bits and pieces unfolded. I was told that the abort
team, for whom I was only the pilot at that time, would probably be looking for a minimum of 19 or 20 people that would be
in the Plaza. Most of the team members felt that this was another false alarm, there had been many during the past few weeks.
The detailed instructions to the team had come from Robert Bennett and Rex Beardsley, as well as another case office whose
name I can not recall.
Although my specific assigned function was only a pilot. Upon arriving at Redbird Airport,
Sergio asked me if I wanted to come along and see the President. I could also act as a spotter for him and his team, which,
he said, were assigned to the south side of the plaza. I was told other members of the team would be patrolling the north
side and the overpass. I understood we would be looking for a type of triangulation ambush. I gladly accepted Sergio's offer.
It seemed like an adventure I didn't want to miss. We were driven from Red Bird Airport to a place not far from the Oak Cliff
Country Club, then driven to Dealey Plaza, where we (Sergio and I) checked various areas and attempted to spot potential members
of an attack team from the position on the South Knoll. The original information the team had received from sources in Texas
and the CIA was an attempt was going to be made outside the Adolphus Hotel, but for reasons unknown to them, I was told, the
routing of the motorcade had been changed at the last minute to Dealey Plaza. While on the south knoll, Sergio and I were attempting to evaluate the most logical places where shooters might be
located, but everything was confused, the timing was off, team members were late getting into position. They were not where
they were supposed to be and the limited radio contacts that we had with them were not working, or spotty at best. It was
soon after our arrival that the motorcade arrived. When the shots rang out, I had the impression of 4 or 5 shots, with one
being fired from behind and to my left on the South Knoll, near the underpass and south parking lot. While leaving via the
south side of the underpass near the train tracks, Sergio and I smelled gunpowder. I never saw Roselli in Dealey Plaza that
day.
We were picked up on the back side of the underpass, southwest side, by a person who had previously been at the
Country Club. After driving away, and on the way back to Red Bird we stopped in the parking lot of Ed McLemore's Sportatorium,
where Sergio changed out of the clothes he had muddied when he fell down the slippery west side of the railroad tracks. We
stopped by the place in Oak Cliff, then returned to Redbird Airport. We waited for a few of the operatives who had been on
our flight into Dallas to return. We waited as long as we could before departing without Roselli and some of the others. At
approximately 2 o'clock in the afternoon, we took off from Red Bird without filing a flight plan. Our original flight out
of Dallas called for us to fly to Shepard Air Force Base in Wichita Falls, Texas. But because of the assassination that routing
was changed at the last minute by Rojas. We would head for Houston and back to south Florida.
On the plane, besides
myself, were Rojas, Sergio, a person who I knew as Gator from the Loxahatchee camp, and two other individuals that I didn't
know. Gator had identifying characteristics of an unusually large Adam's Apple and a missing finger, which had supposedly
been bitten off at an alligator farm.
The people on the flight out of Dallas were very quiet. I interpreted their
silence as dejection at the mission's failure to abort the assassination of the President. I believed that if these men had
been the shooters or assassins themselves, they would have been very excited because they had carried it off. That's why to
this day I take issue with the idea, which I have been asked to speculate on many times, that the attack on the President
was in behalf of the CIA, Mafia, or Military Intelligence, and I had unknowingly flown an attack team in which had assassinated
the President.
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JFK Assassination
Sometimes people forget that there were two investigations
into President Kennedy's death. Here are the findings of the second commission.
I. FINDINGS OF THE SELECT COMMITTEE ON ASSASSINATIONS IN THE ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY IN
DALLAS, TEX., NOVEMBER 22, 1963
A. Lee Harvey Oswald fired three shots at President John F. Kennedy. The second and third shots he fired struck
the President. The third shot he fired killed the President.
1. President Kennedy was struck by two rifle
shots fired from behind him.
2. The shots that struck President Kennedy from behind him were fired from the sixth floor
window of the southeast corner of the Texas School Book Depository building.
3. Lee Harvey Oswald owned the rifle that
was used to fire the shots from the sixth floor window of the southeast comer of the Texas School Book Depository building.
4.
Lee Harvey Oswald, shortly before the assassination, had access to and was present on the sixth floor of the Texas School
Book Depository building.
5. Lee Harvey Oswald's other actions tend to support the conclusion that he assassinated
President Kennedy.
B. Scientific
acoustical evidence establishes a high probability that two gunmen fired at President John F. Kennedy. Other scientific evidence
does not preclude the possibility of two gunmen firing at the President. Scientific evidence negates some specific conspiracy
allegations.
C. The committee believes, on the basis of the evidence available to it, that President
John F. Kennedy was probably assassinated as a result of a conspiracy. The committee is unable to identify the other gunman
or the extent of the conspiracy.
1. The committee believes, on the basis of the evidence available to it,
that the Soviet Government was not involved in the assassin ation of President Kennedy.
2. The committee believes,
on the basis of the evidence available to it, that the Cuban Government was not involved in the assassination of President
Kennedy.
3. The committee believes, on the basis of the evidence available to it, that anti-Castro Cuban groups, as
groups, were not involved in the assassination of President Kennedy, but that the available evidence does not preclude the
possibility that individual members may have been involved.
4. The committee believes, on the basis of the evidence
available to it, that the national syndicate of organized crime, as a group, was not involved in the assassination of President
Kennedy, but that the available evidence does not preclude the possibility that individual members may have been involved.
5.
The Secret Service, Federal Bureau of Investigation and Central Intelligence Agency were not involved in the assassination
of President Kennedy.
D. Agencies and departments of the U.S. Government performed with varying degrees
of competency in the fulfillment of their duties. President John F. Kennedy did not receive adequate protection. A thorough
and reliable investigation into the responsibility of Lee Harvey Oswald for the ssassination of President John F. Kennedy
was conducted. The investigation into the possibility of conspiracy in the assassination was inadequate. The conclusions of
theinvestigations were arrived at in good faith, but presented in a fashion that was too definitive.
1. The
Secret Service was deficient in the performance of in duties.
(a) The Secret Service possessed information that was
not properly analyzed, investigated or used by the Secret Service in connection with the President's trip to Dallas; in addition,
Secret Service agents in the motorcade were inadequately prepared to protect the President from a sniper.
(b) The responsibility
of the Secret Service to investigate the assassination was terminated when the Federal Bureau of Investigation assumed primary
investigative responsibility.
2. The Department of Justice failed to exercise initiative in supervising and directing
the investigation by the Federal Bureau of Investigation of the assassination.
3. The Federal Bureau of Investigation
performed with varying degrees of competency in the fulfillment of its duties.
(a) The Federal Bureau of Investigation
adequately investigated Lee Harvey Oswald prior to the assassination and properly evaluated the evidence it possessed to assess
his potential to endanger the public safety in a national emergency.
(b) The Federal Bureau of Investigation conducted
a thorough and professional investigation into the responsibility of Lee Harvey Oswald for the assassination.
(c) The
Federal Bureau of Investigation failed to investigate adequately the possibility of a conspiracy to assassinate the President.
(d)
The Federal Bureau of Investigation was deficient in its sharing of information with other agencies and departments.
4.
The Central Intelligence Agency was deficient in its collection and sharing of information both prior to and subsequent to
the assassination.
5. The Warren Commission performed with varying degrees of competency in the fulfillment of its
duties.
(a) The Warren Commission conducted a thorough and professional investigation into the responsibility of Lee
Harvey Oswald for the assassination.
(b) The Warren Commission failed to investigate adequately the possibility of
a conspiracy to assassinate the President. This deficiency was attributable in part to the failure of the Commission
to receive all the relevant information that was in the possession of other agencies and departments of the Government.
(c)
The Warren Commission arrived at its conclusions, based on the evidence available to it, in good faith.
(d) The Warren
Commission presented the conclusions in its report in a fashion that was too definitive.
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